Mara Salvatrucha ~ MS-13
Two predominantly Hispanic street
gangs—18th Street and Mara Salvatrucha, both transnational gangs, began to
proliferate in Los Angeles during the 1960s and 1980's and now, according to
estimates, have fraternal links to some 130,000 to 300,000 members in Mexico
and Central America as well as reaching out across the United States from
Southern California to major cities and rural communities on the Eastern
Seaboard.
FBI Update - 01/14/08 - MS-13
operates in at least 42 states and the District of Columbia and has about
6,000-10,000 members nationwide and is described as "America's Most
Dangerous Gang."
Mara Salvatrucha – "Mara" is a
Salvadoran word for gang, and "Salvatrucha" means Salvadoran guy.
History and Origin - Many Salvadoran refugees fled the U.S.-backed civil war
against insurgents in El Salvador during the 1980’s and relocated in the
Rampart area of Los Angeles, California. As with any gang, there are several
versions as to how the gang formed. The first version states that the
Salvadoran youths, after arriving in Los Angeles were accepted by the existing
Hispanic gangs, particularly the 18th Street Gang. Supposedly, these juveniles
were widely accepted by the gangs because of the combat experience they had
received during the civil war in El Salvador. Soon, differences arose and the
Salvadorans broke from the pre-existing gangs to
begin forming Mara Salvatrucha
cliques on their own.
A second version of the Mara Salvatrucha origin states that after relocating
in the Rampart area of Los Angeles, the youths became targets of the already
established Hispanic gangs and for their own self protection and the protection
of their families, they formed the gang.
Cliques and members – Since there are no “precise” statistics, it is difficult
to estimate number of cliques or the number of members. It has been estimated
that MS-13 has over 15,000 members and associates in at least 115 different
cliques in 33 states, and these numbers are continually increasing. The areas
with the greatest concentration are Southern California, with 20 different
cliques and over 4,400 members and associates; New York City, with 24 cliques
and over 1,700 members and associates; and the Northern Virginia/Metropolitan
D.C. area, with 21 cliques and a total of more than 5,000 members and
associates.
Sources also indicate a strong
presence of Mara Salvatrucha in the states of Alaska, Arkansas, Florida,
Georgia, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina,
Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, Texas and Utah.
Foreign countries, where they are
known to exist, include, Canada, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and El Salvador.
It is estimated that there are over 250,000 Mara Salvatrucha members in Central
America.
Identifiers – Mara Salvatrucha is also known as Mara Salvatrucha 13, MS
13, and MS XIII. They consider the number “13” to be lucky and it also shows an
alliance with Southern California Hispanic gangs. The number “13” is a
reference to the thirteenth letter of the alphabet which is “M.” “M” is synonymous with La Eme or the Mexican Mafia. The Mexican
Mafia is a prison gang but according to law enforcement sources, controls many
Southern California Hispanic gangs. As further evidence of the MS alignment
with Southern California, they may also use the terms Sureño, Sureño 13, Sur or
Sur 13. “Sureño” is Spanish for “southern” while “sur” means “south.”
MS members have been known to tattoo
MS related symbols on much of their body, head to toe. Gang members may
carry a bandana (typically blue, but sometimes black) around with them and may
wear it around their wrist, neck, forehead, or pocket. MS-13 members like to
wear sports clothing that displays strategic numbers like 13, 23, or 3. They
also wear jerseys that show the gang colors of blue or black. They are also
known to wear white. Some of their favorite jerseys are those of sports
figures Allen Iverson (Blue 3) and Kurt Warner (Blue 13). Members also will
wear Nike Air Jordan hats with the Air Jordan logo resembling their hand sign.
New York Yankees apparel is also a favorite of MS-13 members. It is important
to note that many young people wear these colors and sport clothing and these
indicators alone should not be viewed as evidence of gang membership.
The rapid proliferation of the Mara
Salvatrucha to many parts of the United States has not gone unnoticed. The
entire gang is on the verge of becoming the first gang to be categorized as an
"organized crime" entity. The MS seen to thrive on violence and in my
opinion, they are determined to spread fear everywhere they can obtain a base
of operations.
· NOTE:
The following information is the product of a research group. For copyright
information, please refer to the bottom of this page.
Although the information appears to
be accurate and thorough, law enforcement or others sources, may disagree with
portions of the content.
Mara Salvatrucha Introduction
A dismembered body of an adolescent
male was found in northern Honduras, at the end of February 2004 together with
a message for Honduran President Ricardo Maduro. The message warned that if the
government continued to target street gangs, “more people will die. This is
another challenge – the next victims will be police and journalists.”
Two weeks after his inauguration in
January, Guatemalan President Oscar Berger received a similar message on a note
attached to the body of a dismembered dead man.
Both messages were signed “Mara
Salvatrucha 13” (MS13), the name shared by the largest group of criminal street
gangs in the United States and Central America. These gangs are called “Maras”
after an ant that attacks in swarms and devours everything in its path. It
originated among Salvadoran emigrants in Los Angeles some 19 years ago in the
mid-1980s. The name “Salvatrucha” loosely refers to “Salvadoran guerrillas” or
fighters. The number “13” is considered a “good luck” number. In just under two
decades, the Maras have proliferated
throughout Central America and have moved
into many cities in the United States and Canada.
In the United States, the Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines a “violent street gang” as a “criminal
enterprise having an organizational structure, acting as a continuing criminal
conspiracy, which employs violence and any other criminal activity to sustain
the enterprise.”
Mara Salvatrucha 13 falls within
this definition. Numbering more than 250,000 gang members in Central America
and significant numbers in the tens of thousands in the United States, it has
created an international group of criminals within the country. Many of these
are second generation illegal immigrants, male, mostly over the age of 11 but
generally under 21.
In the Los Angeles area, there are
said to be at least 10,000 MS13 members with 95 percent of the homicide arrest
warrants against them still outstanding. In Northern Virginia there are 3,500
MS13 members reported by the police, with a concentration of 1,500 in Fairfax
County alone. Research for this report has established significantly large MS13
gang concentrations in 15 states and some Canadian cities.
A Fairfax County police official
said of MS13, “We know it is a losing battle. When we run them out of here,
we just move them to another location. We just contain what we have. We know we
can’t get rid of them.”
The National Drug Intelligence
Center (NDIC) has noted the following information through the review of survey
responses received from 301 law-enforcement agencies throughout the country:
Hispanic gangs, such as Mara Salvatrucha 13 and its offshoots were reported in
167 jurisdictions in 41 states and make up 29 percent of all gangs reported
within the continental United States.
NOTE: The numbers given in this
report of “gangstas” are spectacular. They were taken from international,
national and domestic police reports and the media. We believe them to be good
estimates but they ignore the mobility and cross-border nature of the problems.
In Central America, as elsewhere not every member of a gang is a killer, many
just “hang out,” and do odd jobs of a non-criminal nature for their gang
leaders in the villages and barrios where they live. However, every one of them
has to be considered potentially armed, dangerous and capable of committing
brutal murders.
The story of Mara Salvatrucha 13 is
inevitably also the story of El Salvador and the results of its twelve-year
civil war. From 1980 until 1992, the fighting between the Salvadoran government
and the communist rebels claimed over 75,000 lives and sent more than one
million refugees and immigrants to the United States and to its neighbors
throughout Central America. In the United States, most of the Salvadoran
expatriates initially settled in one of two areas, concentrating either in Los
Angeles or in Northern Virginia.
In Los Angeles, the Salvadorans
settled in the Rampart area and were rejected as outsiders by the local
Hispanic [Chicano or second and third generation Mexican American] community.
They were often the targets of Latino and black street gangs. In response, some
of the Salvadorans began to form their own gangs for self-protection. These new
protective gangs were not dissimilar in their origins to those of many other
ethnicities who have emigrated in waves and experienced similarly directed
violence – the Germans, Irish, Italians, Chinese and many others. The
Salvadoran gangs found what they were seeking – instant street protection and
respect, an alternative caring “family” and financial security. The costs were
carried by an alien society who had refused to accept them.
The act of emigration itself
combined with the ethnic concentration in Los Angeles meant that a
self-selecting group had risen to power to form the “protection” for the whole.
Some arrived in the United States having had ties to La Mara, a violent street
gang in El Salvador. Many had actually seen fighting in El Salvador’s civil
war. Ex-members of the paramilitary Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional
(FMLN) [Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front] also numbered among the
early founders of Mara Salvatrucha. The FMLN had fought an insurgency against
the Salvadoran government, using guerilla tactics and urban terrorism, and as a
result many Salvadorans arrived in Los Angeles as “veterans,” already adept in
the use of explosives, firearms and booby traps.
The development of the MS in El
Salvador and Central America is said to have been an unforeseen consequence of
the Rodney King riots of 1990 in Los Angeles. In the wake of these riots, a
task force was formed by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, which
deported at least 1,000 MS members to El Salvador. There were many other
unnumbered “voluntary departures.” In San Salvador, the MS cadre had two
ambitions – first, to become involved in a criminal enterprise and become
financially secure; second, to return to the United States.
Those that remained or returned to
the United States wanted financial security, respect based on fear from their
immediate community and power. To achieve this, MS has had to eliminate or
control other ethnic gangs, with Mexican criminal groups being a major and
continuing target.
Since its inception, MS has expanded
beyond its “hubs” of Los Angeles and Northern Virginia, though its numbers in
these cities continue to grow at alarming rates. Nationwide, however, MS has
expanded into Oregon, Alaska, Texas, Nevada, Utah, Oklahoma, Illinois,
Michigan, New York, Maryland, Virginia, Georgia and Florida. They also are
spreading in Canada and Mexico. Some reports place MS “cliques”[sub-units of
gang members] in 49 states – with Hawaii escaping the infestation to date.
This simple gang-clique structure
essentially comprises the entirety of the formal Mara Salvatrucha 13
organization. In Virginia, for example, it is known that MS members attend
monthly gang meetings, and then once a month [generally on a Saturday] also
attend a separate clique meeting. These smaller “cliques” can range in size
from a dozen to 80 members, and each will feature its own distinct name. The
actual nickname given to a member is usually based on his clique membership.
The straightforward, fundamental
approach to “organizing” a gang has many advantages and may in fact have its
roots in advice brought back from FMLN experience and training provided by the
Cuban Dirección General de Inteligencia (DGI) [Main Directorate of Intelligence].
This apparent simplicity combined with the almost unrivalled brutality of MS13
should not lead to any false conclusions regarding a lack of sophistication. To
the contrary, the simple nature of the organization lends itself well to
flexibility, and the wide geographic distribution of the cliques also has
resulted in an extensive range of options available from the collective talent
pool. By some accounts, many cliques “specialize” in a field or “occupation,”
from the street-level professions of carjacking and narcotics sales, to
computer hacking, wire fraud and other similar “white collar” crimes. Recently,
truck hijacking has become popular with MS13. For example, a truck loaded with
nationally advertised toilet articles or paper products can be hijacked by a
clique and “redistributed” to a network of corner stores owned and operated by
Middle Eastern and Asian immigrants. Sold at heavily discounted prices, the
MS13 thieves have quickly earned the Robin Hood label of stealing from the rich
and giving to the poor.
An additional and perhaps inevitable
consequence of the scale of the MS13 phenomenon is the extent to which they
adeptly use computers and other technology, much like any other large
organization. Dealers, car jackers and lookouts carry wireless phones, pagers,
radios and police scanners. Virtual communications suites are publicly
available, and it is possible that MS has access to the type of electronics and
communications advice on which they may have received training in the past for
paramilitary endeavors.
On the internet, MS13 is not hard to
find. Their unabashed contempt for most authorities is reinforced in the
photographs they post on their own websites, hailing their achievements against
the police, taunting rivals or simply speaking in bravado-soaked language to
communicate with one another. These are hi-tech gangs who e-mail, instant
message and use online chat rooms – interactions that are perfectly normal to
their generation of gang members. However, there does not yet appear to be a
realization that their careless use offers an opportunity for exploitation by
the law-enforcement community.
The MS13 expansion can be traced in
part to the movement of the Salvadoran population throughout the United States.
Often working as day laborers or in similar undocumented “hired-help”
positions, Salvadorans moved to Tennessee to help in the construction of the
Titans’ stadium, to Pennsylvania for work in the mushroom farms, to the Midwest
for agricultural jobs and to the East and Northeast in search of unskilled
factory or service-oriented work. In each instance, the gang may have been
brought east from Los Angeles by teenage children or parents and then later, as
they became established, developed the larger gang structure in their new communities.
Mara Salvatrucha 13: A
transnational gang
In Central America MS13 and its
contemporaries are so prolific and brazenly aggressive against seemingly
ill-fated government countermeasures as to cause the United States’ gang
problems to pale in comparison. There are an estimated 250,000 gang members in
Central America; by contrast there are 108,000 police officers. These are
official numbers resulting from a recent survey, however estimates vary
considerably. Some put 80,000 gang members in Guatemala alone.
El Salvador: In El Salvador, MS13 members execute their enemies in broad
daylight aboard city buses and trains, either then fighting their way out or
simply walking away unmolested. The latter is often more common. Given the
statistics, it is not difficult to understand why: in the first 35 days of 2004
alone, three witnesses in three different murder cases involving gangs were
each killed. At least one, who had testified against MS13 in the murder case of
a six-year old boy, was in turn himself gunned down.
El Salvador has attempted a
political solution to MS13, with President Francisco Flores initiating the
“Mano Duro” [firm hand] law on a countrywide basis against the gangs to strong
opposition from the Marxist and liberal opposition parties. Police and military
teams conduct night raids in search of gang members as part of “Mano Duro,”
designed to clear the streets of any gang activity. At the time that the law
was being debated President Flores said of Mara, “If someone is against
them, they identify them in the community. They come; they take them out on the
street … kill and mutilate them.”
In January 2003, Flores initiated an
international agreement with Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua for cross-border
“hot pursuit” and immediate extradition of those suspected of being Mara
members. This comprehensive security agreement allows authorities to arrest
suspected gang members in any of these countries, regardless of their
nationality. The agreement also has established procedures for a framework of
cross border intelligence-sharing and the creation of a centralized database on
the Maras.
However, presidential elections will
take place this month and opposition forces are making heavy use of charges
that Mano Duro encourages extra-legal forces – in the Salvadoran case, the
Sombra Negro death squads. The director of El Salvador’s National Civil Police
has called for the Legislative Assembly to grant immediate approval of a law to
protect witnesses and victims of gang violence.
To date, 8,500 gang members have
been arrested and charged under Mano Duro legislation, but only some 400 have
been convicted. Salvadoran judges allege that the law is unconstitutional.
Mara’s main rivals, in El Salvador
and elsewhere including the United States, are Mexican street gangs and more
specifically the Mexican 18th Street gang. Several Latin American governments
are said to be covertly hiring 18th Street to combat Mara. This could be one
possible reason for the recent attempted assassinations of Honduras President Roberto
Maduro and National Congress president Porfirio Lobo. A police official said
the government has been trying to eliminate MS13 from Honduras and
assassination was Mara’s way of responding.
Heavily-armed Mara members have
challenged government crackdowns on gang related violence, drug trafficking and
other criminal activities. In recent months, Salvadoran police have arrested
nearly 8,000 suspected Mara members and Honduran authorities have arrested more
than 1,000 youths as suspected members of Mara.
Salvadoran police have attempted in
recent years to intensify their efforts against the gangs, but they fail to
keep pace with the criminals. El Salvador officially suffers some 10,500 gang
members, according to a Central American police study conducted in the fall of
2003. Non-governmental organizations in El Salvador claim the number of gang
members is closer to 30,000. Mara Salvatrucha is by far the dominant gang, not
just in El Salvador, but throughout the region, which includes Guatemala and
Honduras.
Honduras: Honduras faces a gang situation of nightmare proportions,
and MS13 is the main problem. There are at least 36,000 gang members in
Honduras. A particularly grisly Mara Salvatrucha 13 calling card has been left
with increasing frequency in Honduras: a dismembered corpse, complete with
decapitated head, packed into a suitcase to deliver a message, often a note.
Recently the notes have consisted of warnings to the Honduran President Maduro.
The MS members arrested recently in
Honduras possessed detailed information about the daily movements of both
President Maduro and National Congress president Lobo. The information the
police seized reportedly included the private office and home telephone numbers
of officials and extensive details about the daily movements of their wives and
children. Police said the plot to kill Lobo called for a gun or grenade attack
in the street or in a restaurant. The MS gunmen also had detailed intelligence,
which indicates the gang has achieved an extraordinary degree of organizational
sophistication that normally is not found in poor Central American youth gangs.
It also suggests that MS has links to larger, more experienced Colombian and
Mexican crime syndicates that could be supplying the Maras with such
intelligence, because recent crackdowns against the Maras also are affecting
the drug-trafficking activities of the large Colombian and Mexican crime
organizations.
Both Roberto Maduro and Guatemalan
President Oscar Berger threaten the Colombian and Mexican syndicates, because
they have vowed to root out drug-related corruption in Honduras and Guatemala.
Guatemala: Guatemala is currently undergoing efforts to reform its
National Civil Police. Nevertheless, its commissioner warns that it is still
rife with corrupt agents. Reforms need to be effective and swift. Guatemala has
some 100,000 gang members, including MS13 and MS18, second in numerical size to
Honduras.
It is well established that MS13
runs drugs, guns, stolen cars, all as contraband for sale and trade within
their own network of contacts in North and South America. It is perhaps equally
likely, and the belief of top law enforcement in Central America, that MS and
its contemporaries are really “the muscle” in a grander scale of operation,
much of which is controlled by political figures. These would be the more usual
suspects like mafias and cartels that traffic in narcotics, people and
children. The use of Mara gangs as brutal hired guns presents a dilemma for
Central American law enforcement who are now responding to President Maduro’s
statement, “If war is what they want, war is what they will get.”
There is no anti-gang legislation in
Guatemala. However, the National Progressive Party has proposed a law
supporting the president’s “Clean Sweep” program that would incarcerate gang
members from 8 to 12 years. Human rights groups claim that both convictions and
“Clean Sweep” are uncivilized and believe that rehabilitation for gang members
is necessary. To date, the Anti-Crime Alliance has returned 320 gang members to
society.
Nicaragua: In Nicaragua, the activities of MS13 provide a mirror image
to that found in other parts of the region, with Managua and León experiencing
heavy concentrations of gang activity.
Recently, Nicaragua’s National
Police Chief Edwin Cordero warned that MS and other Central American gangs have
organized procedures for moving new recruits from Nicaragua to El Salvador and
Honduras. The new recruits are trained in Mara organization and tactics and
then sent home to establish new branches. Cordero also said that the Maras are
combining organizational skills used by U.S. street gangs, such as the Crips
and Latin Kings with indoctrination and training skills that former Central
American Marxist groups – Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua and
the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front in El Salvador – used during the
1980s.
Mexico: Mexico is in a difficult position, both politically and
geographically, when dealing with MS13. With unrest rife in the state of
Chiapas and the threat of Zapatista action both a constant and substantial
pressure, the Mexican government has all it can do without fending off several
thousand heavily armed Salvadoran gangsters. However, Mexico can hardly turn
its back on its Northern neighbor, whom they are heavily reliant, and simply
ignore a steady flow through of illegal gangsters into the United States. The
latter is very nearly the situation as the Mexican authorities are simply ill
equipped, overwhelmed and uninterested in keeping undesirables out of the
United States.
Last month in Mexico City, Federal
Attorney General Rafael Maduro de la Concha told reporters that he had never
heard of MS13 and that those few who were in Mexico City were “stuck there” on
their way to the United States because of a lack of money.
By comparison, Chiapas State
Attorney General Mariano Herrán Salvatti has called for “head-on combat”
against the Maras. Along with State Secretary for Public Security Horacio
Schroeder, they have launched “Project 02” as a part of the major offensive
against MS in Chiapas along the Guatemalan border. Project 02 involves the
Mexican Army 4th Motorized Cavalry Regiment, the National Migration Institute,
Beta Sur, the State Investigative Agency, the State Sectoral Police,
Ministerial Police and Mixed Operation Units. Operations of this combined task
force began in 2003, which initially received favorable media attention.
However, as a result of a December execution- style death of a Honduran MS
leader who was being sought by the police, attention from the press ceased.
The problem is that many Salvadorans
who enter Mexico, heading north for the United States, either through a lack of
funds or change of intentions, end up remaining in Mexico. Mexico appears
powerless to extradite them and is equally unable to combat them on a
large-scale, law-enforcement basis, or at least do so and win with measurable
results. Mexico also harbors the great fear that a recent anti-gang law jointly
adopted between Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador will force
expatriate gang members north into Mexico. In the already unstable south,
Mexico City can ill afford to counter such a move.
Mara Salvatrucha 13 appears to be in
control of much of the southern Mexican border, and in addition to its
smuggling and contraband rackets, collects money from illegal immigrants that
it helps secrete across the border into the United States. A staging point for
illegals is operated by MS13, known locally as “migrant hunters,” out of
Chiapas, moving people and contraband into the United States before it is
diverted to its final destination. For all practical purposes, MS13 has control
of the railways to the North along the border, and is able to collect a
tax-like fee from the precarious “roofriders” who risk their lives atop the
trains to reach the United States.
It is reported that recruiting for
MS13 among Mexican adolescents in Chiapas alone has reached the level of 700 a
month.
United States: A key factor that separates Mara Salvatrucha from
traditional American street gangs is the active link maintained between MS
members in the United States and those in El Salvador. The ties between the
gangs in the two nations are active, strong and appear to be maintained for
several mutually beneficial reasons, as each side provides the other with an
asset or a “commodity” not readily available in their respective country.
In El Salvador, the availability of
military-grade munitions at bargain-basement prices provides the MS in the
United States with cheap and relatively easy access to heavy firepower.
Spending U.S. currency in El Salvador, a hand grenade sells for $1 to $2, and
an M-16 rifle for $200 to $220. On the United States end of the pipeline, there
are a number of high-demand items, but topping the wish-list for the Salvadoran
MS are handguns, automobiles and personal computers, none of which are easily
found in El Salvador. In fact, demand for handguns is so high that they are
often accepted as payment for drug transactions, then either sent back to El
Salvador as bartered-wealth or for actual use. The situation is much the same
with automobiles, which are stolen in the United States and exported to South
America where they are often traded for drugs in deals with cartels. These
transactions are so prolific and so vital that an estimated 80 percent of the
cars driven in El Salvador were reported as stolen in the United States.
The ramifications of this pipeline
of drugs, guns and contraband are far reaching. For the Salvatruchas still in
El Salvador, it means access to U.S. dollars, stolen cars, small arms and
high-value technical items. For those in the United States, it offers access to
an unlimited arsenal at subsidized prices, allowing U.S. Salvatruchas to outgun
and overpower nearly any potential adversary, including law-enforcement
personnel not fully aware of the arsenal available to or the ferocity of their
opposition.
Illegal immigrants in the United
States are responsible for most of the violent crime in large cities like New
York, Los Angeles, Miami, Chicago, Houston and Austin. However, immigrant
advocacy groups have barred police departments and other government agencies
from reporting violations of immigration law to federal authorities in those
areas, according to Manhattan Institute scholar Heather MacDonald in her
article, “The Illegal Alien Crime Wave,” published in the winter 2004 City
Journal.
Police report that they routinely
see previously deported illegals from gangs such as MS13 back on the streets in
the United States. However, unless officers witness such individuals – felons
by their very presence in the United States – committing another illegal act in
plain view, they are not allowed to make an arrest.
In New York, a gang of five Latinos
– four of them illegal – abducted and raped a 42- year-old mother of two in
Queens. Three of the illegals had been arrested on previous occasions for
assault, armed robbery and drug offenses. However, the New York Police
Department did not notify the Immigration and Naturalization Service because of
sanctuary policies instituted by Mayors Rudy Giuliani and Michael Bloomberg.
Operations and characteristics: As previously discussed, MS13 supplies its arsenal and
narcotics stock from El Salvador, but its criminal activities within the United
States far exceed the bounds of smuggling and gunrunning. As a criminal
element, Mara Salvatrucha is a force to be reckoned with, existing as both a
nation-spanning gang and as a strictly local street-thug posse. In fact, there
seems to be no “national command structure” within the United States that would
imply cohesiveness as the cliques spread nationwide. That said, national trends
do become readily apparent and may well even be coordinated, but again, this
does not support a command-and-control “hierarchy” in any sense.
In Del Ray, a section of Alexandria,
Virginia, MS 13 is believed to have been involved in the still unsolved murder
of Nancy Dunning, 56, wife of the Fairfax County Sheriff, James Dunning, in the
family home. Sheriff Dunning has a high profile position as the official
responsible for the County Detention Facility that houses both local and
federal offenders awaiting trial or deportation. The death of Dunning is
attributed by Alexandria police as probably related to an incident in her
business career in real estate.
In the Washington metropolitan area,
MS13 activity dominates the region. Of some estimated 5,000 gang members in
Washington D.C. [particularly Adams Morgan], Maryland [particularly Montgomery
County], and Virginia [Fairfax County], the top three gangs – Mara Salvatrucha
13, Vatos Locos and Street Thug Criminals (STC), respectively have memberships
of some 4,500 (MS), 150 (Vatos Locos) and 100 (STC). It is noted that there are
street gangs operated by other ethnic groups such as Vietnamese and other
Southeast Asian and Chinese youth gangs supplementing the home-grown criminal
gangs. Congress has allocated a mere $2 million for purposes of law-enforcement
information gathering on gangs generally.
Recruitment of new members starts as
early as elementary school. Targets for potentially new Salvatruchas are
usually Hispanic children somehow isolated from the group, either with family
problems, social difficulties or a newcomer to the area. Typically, MS plays
the role gangs have often taken in the lives of their members and answers some
unfulfilled need for attention, acceptance or love. Oftentimes a recruit will
be “built up,” told how great he is and what an asset he would be, in a classic
“good cop” approach. Everything changes in the moment of initiation. Members
and ex-members alike have described variations of a crude initiation rite that
consists of beating up the new recruit, sometimes for 13 seconds, after which
he is accepted as a new member of the gang.
Women are not allowed as members of
MS13 either in the United States or elsewhere. They are frequently attached,
however, in an arrangement of relationships that seem to range from servitude
to accessory. Women provide services for gang members, from carrying weapons to
acting as decoys, to providing sex and writing computer programs. Women are
also the targets and ultimately the victims of MS13. A common revenue source
for MS is a “tax” on prostitutes operating in MS territory, usually about $50 a
week, a sum that does not alienate the women and affords them protection.
However, they are encouraged to pay through intimidation and violence.
Protection rackets are much the same, and variations of both are common.
In every country in which they
operate, MS has had problems of women becoming jealous of one another or one
becoming an informant for the police. When discovered, the informant is
brutally tortured, killed and dismembered. In Guatemala, MS has developed the
tactic of sending letters to the police, accompanied by the head of a 13-or 14
year old girl.
The MS members identify themselves with a number of
different ‘tags’ or tattoos. A number “13” or variation of the two digits “1”
and “3,” the word suerño [southerner] or sur, an abbreviation of the same word.
These terms reference the fact that MS members like to claim their home as Southern
California, as Northern California is the territory of rival gangs. Other
common tags are “M” or “MS”. Many of these will often be worn at once, but it
is important to note that there is no single “signature” that always uniquely
identifies an MS13 member. The 13 and Sur tattoos are relatively common among Hispanic gangs, including prison gangs both
inside and outside of California. A more reliable indicator would be a
combination of known symbols and tags.
As a general rule, Mara Salvatrucha
exhibits no fear of law enforcement whatsoever and in the past has not
hesitated to kill an officer. MS13 gang members are responsible for the
execution of three federal agents and numerous shootings of law-enforcement
officers across the country.
The MS members have been known to booby-trap
their drug-stash houses with antipersonnel grenades under the assumption that
they will be searched by law enforcement. Based on their continued relationship
with the FMLN, it is reasonable to assume that there continue to be new members
with paramilitary experience who are themselves skilled in demolitions and
small arms, and perhaps most importantly in the training and instruction of
these weapons to others. It therefore follows that anyone conducting dealings
with Mara Salvatrucha 13 should use the utmost caution and assumes the presence
of very dangerous situation.
Just as the migration of Salvadoran
immigrants does not produce an entire “New San Salvador” overnight, the
proliferation of the Salvatruchas, which appears to have accompanied the movement
of Salvadorans needs to be remembered in the early stages of dealing with newly
reported or emergent cliques. Not every Salvadoran immigrant who calls himself
a Salvatrucha is necessarily a member of the MS13. Hence, La Mara, Mara 18, or
simply Salvatrucha need not refer specifically to MS13, and in fact both La
Mara and Mara 18 are each themselves different gangs entirely. To an observer
or officer who is acquainted with the threat presented by Mara 13, hearing
“Salvatrucha” from a suspected gang member is a chilling experience.
Conclusions The Mara Salvatruchas 13 are now the problem of the United
States. They fight and kill in broad daylight in America’s cities and towns
even as they live and die in the seemingly grayest areas of U.S. law. Very
often they are illegal immigrants, but even those who are not, because of their
age and ethnicity are unlikely to attract much scrutiny until an incident of
such magnitude or tragedy takes place to focus public attention on the problem.
Traditionally, the methods available
to the United States for use against MS13 are arrest, incarceration and
deportation. In the case of deportation back to El Salvador, this can be an
effective threat and weapon against the Salvatruchas, as upon the arrival of
convicted gangsters in El Salvador, they find themselves the targets of the
Sombra Negra [Black Shadow] a rumored vigilante group said to have been
operating for some years. The story of the Sombra Negra is a chilling one for
potential deportees because the rumors of vigilante justice band are
frighteningly – suspiciously – like the stories of the death squads of the
1980s.
It is worth noting that following
the end of the 12-year Salvadoran civil war, the insurgent FMLN – a
Cuban-orchestrated cohesion of five Communist groups, which was in turn
supplied with arms from Cuba, China and the Soviet Union – disarmed and became
a political party. While the opposition Alianza Republicana Nacional (ARENA)
[National Republican Alliance] party has held the presidency since 1989, there
are elections scheduled for March 21. FMLN leader Shafik Handal will stand as a
candidate. The 72 year old is the former head of the Salvadoran Communist
Party. He has spoken openly about turning El Salvador into a Socialist state,
and recently sent Fidel Castro a letter in support of the jailing of 75
peaceful oppositionists in Cuba. His party is an essential part of the MS13
network that continues to send rifles and assorted munitions to the
Salvatruchas of Los Angeles and elsewhere in the United States.
The gangs are the perfect instrument
for the same organized crime rackets that have traditionally operated
throughout the Americas. With young, enthusiastic memberships who maintain
virtual blood loyalties to the point of brutally punishing any attempts to
leave the group, a ready-made force of gunmen, smugglers, thieves, dealers and
above all expendables, is made available to the cartels, mafias, and similar
organized-crime syndicates of the modern world. Their young soldiers are of the
best kind as they are fighting for their own territory, their own turf and for
themselves. The overwhelming majority of them will never even know of any
employment by outsiders, and in fact the majority of members will never
technically be employed.
In May 2003, some 19 years after
MS13 emerged, top law-enforcement officials from across the country met to
conduct the first session of a new policing organization designed to share
information, intelligence and tactics in combating gang violence.
One solution is the Clear Law
Enforcement for Alien Removal Act, or CLEAR. The legislation, which has 112
cosponsors in the House of Representatives, would require that state and local
governments provide the Department of Homeland Security with information about
illegal aliens that police arrest or interrogate in the course of their duties
and would end the current federal policy of catching and releasing immigration
violators on grounds that there is no place to hold them. One of the outspoken
critics of the legislation is Maryland’s Montgomery County Executive Doug Duncan,
who has a reliance on the Hispanic and liberal vote in his county.
Their force of numbers and
disproportionate weight of influence through the application of the force of
fear imposed by the use of weapons cripples the development of half a dozen
countries in Central America, threatens an entire generation of Hispanic youth
and could engulf the United States.
The United States has not yet dealt
with large numbers of heavily armed streetwise thugs who would prefer to
confront authorities with high-powered rifles instead of high powered lawyers,
and who value their own lives so little that they would expend them almost
casually for the sake of depriving their enemy, the police of their lives.
Both in Central America and the
United States, the question is being asked by the law enforcement community,
“How does a police force seeking to act within the law and respect human rights
successfully combat an enemy, consisting of pre-teen to teenage children armed
with heavy weapons, all of whom will kill a police officer, without thought,,
and who if arrested can only be held in custody for a few hours?”
Finally, it should be considered
that if relatively small countries, such as in Central America, having suffered
only two decades of civil war, can produce such sociopaths among their youths,
there is an even more serious threat to our society. Young people with no moral
education, adhering to no social contract as is commonly understood but trained
to kill from African, Balkan, Central Asian, Middle Eastern and other areas
have come to maturity. Many are the second or even third generations who have
grown up knowing only war-like skills.
In short, these are youths who do
not have an issue with stealing, killing, beating, and dismembering. They are
trained survivors, and care only for efficiency and expediency. If they need
something, they take it. If they are disturbed or threatened, they kill. This
is all they know and this is in what they excel. Civil societies are incredibly
soft, slow moving targets for them, so alien to their experience as to have no
bearing on their reality. A 12- year Salvadoran boy may have killed more people
than most North Americans have disposed of garden pests. In the next 10 years,
over 50 percent of the developing world will be under the age of 15, with no
hope of work, and plenty of training in killing. Will the human rights and
immigration policies of the United States remain as they are in 2004?
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